The individual capacity for comprehension was overwhelmed, and the nature and extent of these programmes added to the surreal nature of the revelations.
In these works and in numerous essays she grappled with the most crucial political events of her time, trying to grasp their meaning and historical import, and showing how they affected our categories of moral and political judgment.
Both dimensions are essential to the practice of citizenship, the former providing the spaces where it can flourish, the latter providing the stable background from which public spaces of action and deliberation can arise.
For Arendt, the beginning that each of us represents by virtue of being born is actualized every time we act, that is, every time we begin something new. Since Arendt clearly viewed the Bolshevik Revolution as a failure, her critics were wont to dismiss her views as indicative of her ignorance of Soviet politics and history at best.
Arendt did not conceive of politics as a means for the satisfaction of individual preferences, nor as a way to integrate individuals around a shared conception of the good.
Still, by force of historical events and social trends, racism and communism had come to dominate the ideological landscape of twentieth century Europe. Moreover, it would not be an exaggeration to claim that Origins is a declaration of war on ideology.
Labor is judged by its ability to sustain human life, to cater to our biological needs of consumption and reproduction, work is judged by its ability to build and maintain a world fit for human use, and action is judged by its ability to disclose the identity of the agent, to affirm the reality of the world, and to actualize our capacity for freedom.
This capacity to act in concert for a public-political purpose is what Arendt calls power. By attacking the institutions of the state, the totalitarian movements gauged, correctly as it turned out, the one great vulnerability of the bourgeois nation-state in the post-World War One era; namely, its complete lack of defences in the face of extra-parliamentary and extra-legal challenges to state authority.
For Arendt modernity is characterized by the loss of the world, by which she means the restriction or elimination of the public sphere of action and speech in favor of the private world of introspection and the private pursuit of economic interests. She also claims that the rise of the social coincides with the expansion of the economy from the end of the eighteenth century.
Nonetheless, Arendt argues that the relation established between the ruler and the ruled — established by the novel device of total domination — is both more complex and equivocal than it might appear.
In the latter work, Arendt introduces her classic analysis of the decline of the nation-state, which culminates in her account of the crippling impact of both European imperialism and the First World War on the comity of European nation-states.
And this ability, in turn, can only be acquired and tested in a public forum where individuals have the opportunity to exchange their opinions on particular matters and see whether they accord with the opinions of others.
Once these rules have lost their validity we are no longer able to understand and to judge the particulars, that is, we are no longer able to subsume them under our accepted categories of moral and political thought. I will focus my attention on two categories employed by Arendt, those of nature, and the social.
In action and speech, she maintains, individuals reveal themselves as the unique individuals they are, disclose to the world their distinct personalities. Rather, it exists only as a potential which is actualized when actors gather together for political action and public deliberation.A Summary of Total Domination Hannah Arendt writes that the concentration camps and extermination camps that exist in totalitarian regimes serve as laboratories where virtually anything is This preview has intentionally blurred sections%(3).
Hannah Arendt argued that the goal of totalitarianism was total domination; namely, to eliminate spontaneity and hence to destroy â€œmanâ€ as a moral agent and as an individual.
This essay explores the problem of total domination as a core aspect of Arendt's theory of totalitarianism. Hannah Arendt was born in Germany and earned her education there as well. During the rise of Hitler and the Nazi movement, she moved to Paris and then New York.
Hannah Arendt argued that the goal of totalitarianism was total domination; namely, to eliminate spontaneity and hence to destroy "man" as a moral agent and as an individual. A central argument of the book is that Arendt’s theory of totalitarianism and her theory of politics can be traced back to her personal experience of the twentieth century phenomenon of “total domination”.
Hannah Arendt and the Limits of Total Domination: The Holocaust, Plurality, and Resistance (Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought) - Kindle edition by Michal Aharony.
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